By Melanie Baak
Belonging is an argument that has effects on us all, yet if you happen to were displaced, unsettled or made 'homeless' through the elevated pursuits linked to the modern globalising period, belonging is less than consistent problem. Migration throws into query not just the assets of these who bodily migrate, but in addition, relatively in a postcolonial context, the assets of these who're indigenous to and 'settlers' in international locations of migration, next generations born to migrants, and people who are left at the back of in nations of starting place. Negotiating Belongings utilises narrative, ethnographic and autoethnographic techniques to discover the negotiations for belonging for 6 ladies from Dinka groups originating in southern Sudan. It explores belonging, really relating to migration, via a attention of belonging to geographical regions, ethnic teams, neighborhood, family members and family members. In exploring how the trips in the direction of wanted property are haunted by way of quite a few social approaches equivalent to colonisation, energy, 'race' and gender, the writer argues that negotiating belonging is a continuous flow among being and turning into. The examine utilises and calls for other ways of hearing and very listening to the narratives of the ladies as embedded inside of non-Western epistemologies and ontologies. via this it develops an realizing of the relational ontology, cieng, that governs the ways that the ladies exist on the earth. The women's narratives along the author's adventure in the Dinka group offer specific how you can interrogate the intersections of being and changing into at the haunted trip to belonging. The relational ontology of cieng presents an extra approach of figuring out belonging, changing into and being as continuously relational.
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Extra resources for Negotiating Belongings: Stories of Forced Migration of Dinka Women from South Sudan
153). Haunted Journeys I write this term as dhëëng (the commonly accepted current Thuongjäng nomenclature). Deng (1984, 1998, 2007, 2009) writes it as dheeng so I leave direct quotations from Deng in this format. Jeppsson and Hjern (2005) term it adheng, which again I leave in direct quotations. 19 Luka Biong Deng is also a Jääng and is not related to Francis Mading Deng. 20 While not referenced, it would appear that Deng’s definition draws, in part, on the work of Godfrey Lienhardt (2004), who writes that the Dinka ‘have a word, cieng or cieng baai, which used as a verb has the sense of “to look after” or “to order”, and in its noun form means “the custom” or “the rule”’ (p.
Although some of the women were happy to be identified, others were not, so I made the decision to make all of the women as anonymous as possible as I thought that this was ethically in the best interests of each woman, her family and myself in the small and often politically turbulent Jëëng community in Australia. 3 This quotation is drawn from an article originally published in French (Barthes, 1972) and appears to have first been translated into English by Clifford and Marcus (1986). 4 See also, for example, Abu-Lughod (1993), Behar (1996), Collins (1990), Couldry (2009) and Lammers (2005).
From his experience, Deal surmises that ‘the concept of cieng may be best understood here to mean that the good of the group supersedes the needs or even safety of the individual. Cieng puts material values 21 Chapter 1 and individual welfare subordinate to social human values and community interests’ (p. 571). From this conclusion, it starts to become clearer that cieng represents a form of communal ontology which challenges the Western focus on individualism (Swanson, 2009; Keevy, 2008; Krog, 2004; Kamwangamalu, 1999).