By Christoph Zürcher, Carrie Manning, Kristie D. Evenson, Rachel Hayman, Sarah Riese, Nora Roehner
Peacebuilding is an interactive method that contains collaboration among peacebuilders and the triumphant elites of a postwar society. whereas probably the most well-liked assumptions of the peacebuilding literature asserts that the pursuits of family elites and peacebuilders coincide, Costly Democracy contends that they not often align.
It unearths that, whereas family elites in postwar societies may possibly hope the assets that peacebuilders can deliver, they can be much less wanting to undertake democracy, believing that democratic reforms may perhaps endanger their considerable pursuits. The ebook bargains comparative analyses of modern circumstances of peacebuilding to deepen figuring out of postwar democratization and higher clarify why peacebuilding missions usually convey peace—but seldom democracy—to war-torn international locations.
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Extra info for Costly Democracy: Peacebuilding and Democratization after War
This is 24 Chapter 2 not to say that elites will categorically oppose democracy; today the penalty for such behavior is exceedingly high in terms of international reputation, legitimacy, and access to aid and support. But rather than work to win public favor, elites may choose the simpler and less costly investment in patron– client networks, which can also yield a popular vote. As a result, clientelism is strengthened, while larger parts of the population are excluded from meaningful political participation.
20 26 Chapter 2 To sum up, political actors in a postwar country often have good reason to fear that a transition to a more democratic regime will endanger their access to political power and resources, as well as their way of ruling via patronage. In a volatile postwar situation where opposing political fractions typically retain their capacity for organized violence, security concerns may be foremost in leaders’ minds. Moreover, elites who lose political power may also lose their lives. For all these reasons, the transition to a liberal and democratic state can impose considerable adoption costs on postwar elites.
We find that the war-related variables that dominate the quantitative literature on peace duration have little direct, systematic impact on the success of postwar democratization, with the important caveat that stability is a necessary but not sufficient condition for democratization. Countries that relapsed into war during the first five years of the peacebuilding operation were, as a 35 36 Chapter 3 rule, not democratic after five years. 2). However, successful cases of postwar democratization vary considerably on most of the war characteristics usually deemed relevant, including the intensity, duration, and root causes of the conflict.