By Catherine Clinton
Over a decade in the past, the book of Divided homes ushered in a brand new box of scholarship on gender and the Civil battle. Following in its wake, conflict Scars showcases insights from award-winning historians in addition to rising students. This quantity depicts the ways that gender, race, nationalism, faith, literary tradition, sexual mores, or even epidemiology underwent radical adjustments from whilst americans went to warfare in 1861 via Reconstruction. interpreting the interaction between such phenomena as racial stereotypes, sexual violence, trauma, and notions of masculinity, conflict Scars represents the easiest new scholarship on women and men within the North and South and highlights how lives have been remodeled by way of this period of tumultuous switch.
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Additional info for Battle Scars: Gender and Sexuality in the American Civil War
Ripley, op. cit. Black Abolitionist Papers, 5:65. 37. Higginson, Worcester, to Mother, April 23, 1861, Higginson Papers, Houghton Library, Harvard University. 38. Pine and Palm, January 2, 1862, “Away Down South in Dixie,” p. 3, cs. 1–2. 39. Pine and Palm, July 20, 1861, “Two Slanders on Hayti Refuted,” p. 1–2; David S. Cecelski, “Abraham Galloway: Wilmington’s Lost Prophet and the Rise of Black Radicalism in the American South,” in Democracy Betrayed: The Wilmington Race Riot of 1898 and its Legacy (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998), edited by David S.
They did not need to demonstrate their respectability: though some of their conservative detractors no doubt disagreed, leading white abolitionists did not seem to have had much doubt that they would be treated as full citizens. They could have formed a militia company had they wished, but until sectional conﬂict appeared imminent, few white radicals seemed interested in public military service. During the 1850s, while their black compatriots were protesting, petitioning, and drilling for inclusion in the state militia, white abolitionist men instead formed a secret paramilitary society whose aim was collective, physical deﬁance of the federal Fugitive Slave Law.
Like many others, John S. Rock offered a mixture of rage, pragmatism, celebration, and protest. In a speech to the New England Anti-Slavery Convention that spring, he urged all who could “conscientiously” enlist to do so, but thought it was not surprising that “after pressing their claims for two years . . 47 But Morris continued to play the rebel, refusing to follow along in a practical policy that did not match his sense of the right. Twenty years later, a eulogy by his protégé Edwin G. 48 Even after men became recruiters, they could be subject to moments of grave doubt and second thoughts.